Category: Arms Trade Treaty

A medida que aumentan los conflictos, los Estados partes del ATT deben comprometerse a una mayor transparencia

2/5/2025

Sol Zoe Nottage

Se prevé que los conflictos armados se intensifiquen en la próxima década. Datos recientes revelan no sólo un aumento en el número de conflictos en todo el mundo, sino también un incremento en su intensidad. En 2024, los niveles de violencia se dispararon un 25 por ciento en comparación con 2023, dejando a una de cada ocho personas expuestas al conflicto y resultando en aproximadamente 223,000 fallecidos. Regiones como Oriente Medio, África y Europa del Este están experimentando tanto el agravamiento de conflictos de larga data como la aparición de nuevas tensiones. Sin intervenciones diplomáticas e institucionales efectivas, es probable que esta inestabilidad persista —o incluso empeore.

El 24 de diciembre de 2024, el Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas (ATT) celebró una década regulando el comercio mundial de armas y promoviendo la transparencia entre sus Estados partes. Como el primer marco legalmente vinculante que integra el derecho internacional humanitario con la regulación del comercio de armas, el ATT se esfuerza por fomentar la paz global, reducir el sufrimiento humano y mejorar la cooperación entre naciones. A pesar de estos objetivos admirables, persisten desafíos significativos. Solo 116 estados han suscrito el tratado, dejando fuera a muchos de los principales exportadores e importadores de armas. Además, obstáculos como lograr la membresía universal, fortalecer el cumplimiento, perfeccionar los mecanismos de la Conferencia de Estados Partes (CSP), abordar la desviación y garantizar la transparencia en los flujos de armas continúan entorpeciendo el progreso.

El último Informe del Monitor del TCA, que revisa la presentación de informes sobre transferencias de armas para 2022, ofrece un panorama preocupante. Solo 69 de los Estados partes obligados a presentar un informe anual lo hicieron, lo que representa una tasa de cumplimiento del 63 por ciento, la más baja desde que se comenzaron a presentar informes en 2015. Asimismo, únicamente 35 estados (32 por ciento) presentaron sus informes a tiempo. Mientras tanto, la proporción de informes confidenciales aumentó de seis (3 por ciento) en 2015 a 23 (31 por ciento) en 2021, antes de experimentar un leve descenso en 2022.

Cada año, los Estados partes están obligados a presentar informes detallados sobre exportaciones e importaciones de armas antes del 31 de mayo. Entre 2015 y 2022, 53 Estados partes reportaron más de 121 millones de exportaciones de armas, mientras que 65 registraron más de 4 millones de importaciones. Como señala el informe del Monitor del ATT, la discrepancia entre estas cifras se puede atribuir a varios factores, entre ellos la limitada capacidad de los países importadores para monitorear las transferencias, la exclusión de los principales exportadores o importadores que no son miembros y la omisión de transferencias sensibles.

El Mapa del Índice Global de Paz subraya aún más la gravedad de la situación. Los conflictos en Gaza y Ucrania han contribuido significativamente a la disminución de la paz global, registrándose 162,000 muertes en combate en 2023. Un récord de 92 países están ahora involucrados en conflictos transfronterizos, el mayor número desde la creación del GPI. Cabe destacar que la guerra en Ucrania —la primera vez desde 1945 que un conflicto en suelo europeo involucra a un miembro del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas como agresor o defensor principal— sirve como un claro recordatorio de la urgente necesidad de transparencia, especialmente considerando que 40 países europeos (35 por ciento de los Estados partes) se encuentran en la región.

Otra tendencia es el aumento de las exclusiones de información sensible. Estas exclusiones crecieron de manera constante desde 2015 hasta 2017, alcanzando su punto máximo en 2022. Entre 2015 y 2022, solo 20 informes indicaron explícitamente qué categorías de datos se clasificaron y por qué. Aunque países como Australia y Suecia aclararon consistentemente dónde clasificaron sus datos y el motivo de ello, muchos informes no alcanzan este nivel de detalle. Si bien el Artículo 13(3) del tratado permite la exclusión de información considerada comercialmente sensible o relacionada con la seguridad nacional, para el 9 de enero de 2025, 16 Estados partes optaron por clasificar información en 2023.

Proporcionar detalles adicionales en los informes, aunque no es obligatorio, mejora significativamente la transparencia y se alinea con los objetivos del tratado. El Monitor del TCA ha identificado varias buenas prácticas que no solo mejoran la claridad y precisión de los informes, sino que también respaldan los esfuerzos para prevenir la desviación de armas y promover la rendición de cuentas. Por ejemplo, en 2022, Países Bajos señaló claramente que las cifras exactas de armas suministradas a Ucrania fueron retenidas por razones de seguridad nacional. Entre 2017 y 2023, mientras que seis Estados partes ocultaron información sobre transferencias a Ucrania —con un pico durante el estallido de la guerra— la mayoría continuó presentando informes de acceso público. De manera similar, el reporte voluntario de categorías adicionales —como escopetas, municiones y definiciones nacionales de armas— puede estandarizar y mejorar la comparabilidad entre informes.

Durante la última década, la Secretaría del ATT, junto con diversas organizaciones de la sociedad civil, ha desarrollado directrices y organizado talleres para ayudar a los Estados partes a cumplir con sus obligaciones de reporte y reforzar la transparencia. Organizaciones como Control Arms y el Monitor del TCA han desempeñado roles destacados en estos esfuerzos. Sus reportes anuales no solo han seguido las tendencias en la presentación de informes, sino que también han ofrecido recomendaciones específicas por país para que logren mejorar. Desde 2024, la introducción de un tablero en Power BI por parte del Monitor del ATT ha proporcionado una visión integral de los datos de transferencias de armas reportados públicamente. De cara a 2025 y más allá, el trabajo colaborativo del Monitor del TCA y otros actores será vital para construir confianza entre los Estados partes mediante la promoción de la transparencia, la cooperación y una conducta responsable en el comercio internacional de armas convencionales.

Sol Nottage es Investigadora Asociada de Control Arms en el Monitor del ATT y profesora auxiliar en la Universidad de San Andrés y en la Universidad Torcuato Di Tella (Argentina).

La inclusión en el Foro sobre el programa de expertos emergentes en el Comercio de Armas y la publicación de estos artículos no indica acuerdo ni respaldo de las opiniones de otros. Las opiniones expresadas son únicamente las de los autores de cada artículo.

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As Conflicts Rise, ATT States Should Commit to Greater Transparency

2/5/2025

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Sol Zoe Nottage

Armed conflicts are projected to intensify over the coming decade. Recent data reveals not only a surge in the number of conflicts worldwide but also an increase in their intensity. In 2024, violence levels spiked by 25 percent compared to 2023, leaving one in eight people exposed to conflict and resulting in approximately 223,000 fatalities. Regions such as the Middle East, Africa, and Eastern Europe are experiencing both the deepening of long-standing conflicts and the emergence of new tensions. Without effective diplomatic and institutional interventions, this instability is likely to persist—or even worsen.

On December 24, 2024, the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) marked a decade of regulating the global arms trade and promoting transparency among its State Parties. As the first legally binding framework to integrate international humanitarian law with arms trade regulation, the ATT strives to foster global peace, reduce human suffering, and enhance cooperation among nations. Despite these laudable goals, significant challenges remain. Only 116 states have joined the treaty, leaving many major arms exporters and importers outside its framework. Moreover, hurdles such as achieving universal membership, strengthening compliance, refining Conference of States Parties (CSP) mechanisms, addressing diversion, and ensuring transparency in arms flows continue to impede progress.

The latest ATT Monitor Report, which reviews arms transfer reporting for 2022, paints a concerning picture. Only 69 of the States Parties required to submit an annual report did so—a 63 percent compliance rate that marks the lowest level since reporting began in 2015. Additionally, just 35 states (32 percent) submitted their reports on time. Meanwhile, the proportion of confidential reports increased from six (3 percent) in 2015 to 23 (31 percent) in 2021 before experiencing a slight decline in 2022.

Every year, States Parties are required to submit detailed reports on arms exports and imports by May 31. Between 2015 and 2022, 53 States Parties reported over 121 million arms exports, while 65 recorded more than 4 million arms imports. As the ATT Monitor report shows, the discrepancy between these figures can be attributed to several factors, including the limited capacity of importing countries to monitor transfers, the exclusion of major non-member exporters or importers, and the omission of sensitive transfers.

The Global Peace Index Map further underscores the gravity of the situation. Conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine have been primary contributors to a decline in global peacefulness—with battle deaths reaching 162,000 in 2023. A record 92 countries are now involved in cross-border conflicts, the highest number since the inception of the GPI. Notably, the war in Ukraine—marking the first time since 1945 that a conflict on European soil involved a United Nations Security Council member as the primary aggressor or defender—serves as a stark reminder of the urgent need for transparency, especially when 40 European countries (35 percent of the States Parties) are based in the region.

Another trend to look at is the increase in sensitive information exclusions. These exclusions rose steadily from 2015 to 2017, peaking in 2022. Between 2015 and 2022, only 20 reports explicitly indicated which data categories were withheld and why. Although countries like Australia and Sweden consistently showed where they excluded information, many reports fall short of this standard. While Article 13(3) of the treaty permits the exclusion of commercially sensitive or national security information, by January 9, 2025, 16 States Parties had chosen to withhold information in 2023.

Providing additional details in reports, although not mandatory, significantly enhances transparency and aligns with the treaty’s objectives. The ATT Monitor has identified several best practices that not only improve the clarity and accuracy of reports but also support efforts to prevent arms diversion and promote accountability. For example, in 2022, The Netherlands clearly noted that the precise numbers of arms supplied to Ukraine were withheld for national security reasons. Between 2017 and 2023, while six States Parties clearly stated where they withheld information on transfers to Ukraine—peaking during the outbreak of war—the majority continued to submit publicly accessible reports. Similarly, voluntary reporting on additional categories—such as shotguns, ammunition, and national definitions of arms—can further standardize and enhance comparability across reports.

Over the past decade, the ATT Secretariat, together with various civil society organizations, has developed guidelines and organized workshops to assist States Parties in meeting their reporting obligations and bolstering transparency. Organizations like Control Arms and the ATT Monitor have played leading roles in these efforts. Their annual reports have not only tracked trends in reporting but have also offered country-specific recommendations for improvement. Since 2024, the introduction of a dashboard by the ATT Monitor has provided a comprehensive overview of publicly reported arms transfer data. Moving forward into 2025 and beyond, the collaborative work of the ATT Monitor and other stakeholders will be vital in building trust among States Parties by promoting transparency, cooperation, and responsible conduct in the international trade of conventional arms.

Sol Nottage is a Research Associate for Control Arms at the ATT Monitor and auxiliar professor at the Universidad de San Andrés and the Universidad Torcuato Di Tella (Argentina).

Inclusion on the Forum on the Arms Trade emerging expert program and the publication of these posts does not indicate agreement with or endorsement of the opinions of others. The opinions expressed are the views of each post's author(s).

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Predicting Even Less U.S. Arms Trade Restraint in 2025

1/27/2025

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This blog post is one in a series looking at an array of issues in 2025 related to weapons use, the arms trade and security assistance, often offering recommendations.

Jeff Abramson

The Biden administration has left President Trump a surprisingly low bar when it comes to improving U.S. arms trade restraint. Unfortunately and dangerously, the Trump administration is likely to lower the bar even further.

On paper, many Biden-era arms trade policies sounded good to advocates for human rights and protection of civilians. His administration’s Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) policy more fully elevated human rights concerns in part by calling for a halt to authorizations for transfers when certain harms were “more likely than not” – an improvement over previous approaches. Also positive were support for an international Political Declaration on the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, as well as Department of Defense and State policies on civilian protection such as CHMR-AP and CHIRG. Even NSM-20 was notionally good policy in that it appeared to create a path to holding countries accountable for using weapons improperly. Plus, Biden reversed the first Trump administration’s stance on landmines and once again made it U.S. policy to eventually accede to the Mine Ban Treaty.

While these policies were often laudatory in writing, actual practice was devastating. The Biden administration’s contortions to not implement U.S. law that should have led to a halt on some (if not all) security assistance to Israel was the most high profile abandonment of a policy of restraint. So too were decisions to supply cluster munitions and landmines to Ukraine, weapons that the majority of countries – including a majority of NATO allies – had long agreed should be banned and that the United States had not used or transferred for more than a decade. The Biden administration also eventually continued arms transfers to rights-violating regimes in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

Receiving less attention was the shear volume of arms transfers proposed and conducted under his administration. The latest State Department factsheet revealed that fiscal year 2024 arms transfers were “the highest ever annual total of sales and assistance provided to our allies and partners” via the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) process (emphasis is in the original document). FMS values were than $100 billion in FY 2024 with a staggering $845 billion in open cases. More than $200 billion in authorizations were made via the separate Direct Commercial Sales process. The Forum’s tracking of FMS notifications by calendar year (as opposed to fiscal year), found nearly $146 billion in FMS sales were notified to Congress last year.

Trump is likely to aim to go higher. In 2017, his first international trip was to the Middle East where he announced $110 billion in arms sales to Saudi Arabia. Although that figure was inflated, it showed what would be a hallmark of his first term, which was the promotion of U.S. arms trade, including to autocratic regimes in the Middle East. He ended his term notifying Congress of more than $134 billion in potential FMS sales in 2020 (a figure higher than Biden’s 2024 totals when adjusted for inflation) that included $10 billion in F-35 sales to the United Arab Emirates that Biden slow-walked, with the deal collapsing.

Could Trump revive the deal? The UAE may have indicated before the election it would not be interested, but former State Department official Josh Paul said this month it’s one to watch.

Now, just a week into the second Trump presidency, all signs are pointing to a return to relatively unrestrained arms sales and even less concern for human rights.

One of the administration first actions was a 90-day suspension on foreign aid, but with an exemption for military assistance to Egypt and Israel. The Trump administration has already acted to remove sanctions on Israelis undermining peace in the West Bank and appears to have abandoned the Biden administration’s hold on the provision of 2000-pound bombs to Israel, jettisoning what little restraint had remained. The Defense Department’s Civilian Protection Center of Excellence also appears to be in jeopardy. And while Biden administration National Security Memorandums are only under review, it would be sound logic to predict that both NSM-20 and NSM-18 (Biden’s CAT policy) may be rescinded.

Trump’s claim to end the war in Ukraine as he took office obviously has not occurred, but his approach could involve much less U.S. support to the country. (No waiver was provided for Ukraine in the current suspension of new foreign aid.) Oddly, this might mean the U.S. no longer provides landmines and cluster munitions.

That improvement is unlikely to undo the damage the United States is causing to humanitarian disarmament treaties and multilateralism more broadly. Trump loosened restraint on both weapons in his first term, and there is no reason to expect an about face to support the Mine Ban Treaty or Convention on Cluster Munitions now. Plus, he has put a 90-day pause on humanitarian demining – a staggering stark example of heavy-handed ineptitude as the United States has done good work in demining globally for decades with strong bi-partisan Congressional support.

Regarding the Arms Trade Treaty, Trump rejected the treaty in his first term and the Biden administration failed to undo Trump’s denial of U.S. signature to the treaty. This will almost certainly leave the United States even more on the outside of the core international agreement aimed at making the arms trade more responsible.

Trump, of course, prides himself on being unpredictable, and anything written today may quickly appear dated as new developments take center stage. But, in so many ways, Trump is making clear that the multilateral system as currently established will not receive support as, for example, he strives to pull the United States out of the Paris climate accord and the World Health Organization.

In his first term, Donald Trump took a transactional and unrestrained approach to the arms trade while undermining multilateral efforts at control, and multilateralism more broadly. He is quickly on his way to doing so again in 2025.

Jeff Abramson is a Senior Non-Resident Fellow at the Center for International Policy.

Inclusion on the Forum on the Arms Trade expert list and the publication of these posts does not indicate agreement with or endorsement of the opinions of others. The opinions expressed are the views of each post's author(s).

This post was lightly updated at 12:25 PM on January 27.

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Event Resources and Recommendations: The ATT and the Arms Trade: Trends in Financial and Corporate Responsibility (September 7, 2022)

9/9/2022

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On September 7, 2022, the Forum on the Arms Trade, Control Arms and PAX co-hosted an event examining emerging trends in financial and corporate approaches to the arms trade and the ATT related to human rights standards, especially those requiring and promoting human rights due diligence (HRDD).

Video of that event is available at https://youtu.be/3RagDZRtkIo?t=233

After the event, panelists provided the following recommendations, slides and resources, building off of their comments during the event:*

Cor Oudes, program lead at PAX (see slides)

Our study shows an interesting route toward improvement of human rights due diligence by arms producers. To a significant extent, their European financial backers do see, acknowledge and act on the risk of arms sales to high risk countries. However, their action is too limited and gives arms producers plenty of room to continue to attract financing while also continuing high risk arms sales. Banks that have policy but limit application in scope, should extend the application of these policies.
Banks without policies on the issue of high-risk arms trade should develop and implement these policies as soon as possible. Good policy on high risk arms trade includes the relevant risk criteria, places the responsibility for human rights due diligence with the arms company (and the bank as part of its value chain) and is based on the Arms Trade Treaty and where possible on the EU Common Position on Arms Exports.
Implementation by banks should focus on engagement with arms producers to achieve much stronger human rights due diligence on the side of the arms producer when selling arms. Engagement should have clear goals and timelines, and if unsuccessful, banks should terminate their business relations with the arms company.
See our report for more detailed recommendations to arms companies as well as financial institutions.

Lana Baydas, Senior Program Manager, ABA Center for Human Rights

As noted in the “Responsible Business Conduct in the Arms Sector” Information note by the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights, the international community should define what “clear risk” for the prohibition of arms transfers constitutes so that it is not left to the subjective interpretation of member states and tailored to political interests and will.
States should include a mandatory Human Rights Due Diligence for arms companies in national legislation. Without a strong and meaningful commitment, any due diligence processes will be merely checking the box.
States should harmonize their terms with regard to the prohibition of arms transfers. There are different stands as to what point the arms transfers prohibition applies; some at the actual knowledge “knows” while others at the constructive knowledge “should know” of a likelihood of misuse. This variation could result in exploitation by exporters to find lenient jurisdiction.
Arms companies should integrate into their human rights due diligence program a component of end-use monitoring, which is perhaps the most important component, to ensure that the defense articles and services are not involved in the commission of serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. This could be done by arms exporters requiring that their clients submit periodic and incident reports concerning their usage of the defense articles and services complementing the efforts of the regulatory authorities to monitor the diversion of weapons. Exporters should engage in periodic audits and site inspections. Exporters must track developments by collecting open-source information and consistently engaging with the client and other stakeholders.

Jillianne Lyon, Program Director, Investor Advocates for Social Justice (see slides)

Holistic regulation is needed to prioritize human rights due diligence.
Investors have a responsibility to ensure they are not contributing to harm

Recommended Resources (all in one place)

"High-risk arms trade and the financial sector," PAX, July 2022.
Cor Oudes' slides (PAX)
"Defense Industry Human Rights Due Diligence Guidance," American Bar Association Center for Human Rights, August 17, 2022.
"Responsible business conduct in the arms sector: Ensuring business practice in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights," Information Note by the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights, August 30, 2022.
Shareholders proposals resource page, Investor Advocates for Social Justice (IASJ)
Jillianne Lyon's slides (IASJ)
See also the resource guides to previous related events co-hosted by the Forum in 2021: "Evolving Financial Approaches to Disarmament and Weapons" (Oct 21) and "Divestment and Transition) (July 21)

* Panelists at this event do not necessarily endorse the views and opinions of others, nor does the Forum necessarily endorse the views and opinions of others. Please feel free to contact panelists directly for additional conversation.

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U.S. Arms Sales Restraint in 2022?

1/6/2022

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This is the second blog post in a series looking at an array of issues in 2022 related to weapons use, the arms trade and security assistance, often offering recommendations.

Jeff Abramson

Looking at what is often the most common metric of arms sales intention and volume -- notifications of potential government-to-government Foreign Military Sales (FMS) -- the Biden administration at first blush appears to be exercising restraint in the arms trade. FMS notifications made to Congress in calendar year 2021 totaled just over $36 billion, the lowest annual amount since 2011 and second lowest since FMS grew sharply in 2006.

(See dedicated spreadsheet on 2021 FMS notifications here (see all 3 tabs), which was created using the spreadsheet linked to the Forum's resource page.)

While the 2021 total is the lowest in a decade, there are still many problematic sales on last year's list. Top of mind is the one that raised the most attention -- the $650 million November notification of 280 air-to-air missiles to Saudi Arabia. The administration argued that those weapons could not be used for "offensive" purposes and therefore were in line with its human rights goals, especially as related to avoiding harm to civilians in Yemen. Nonetheless, a majority of the President's party voted (unsuccessfully) to block the sale in the Senate last month, with many arguing that providing weapons to oppressive regimes serves to legitimize them, regardless of whether you consider weapons offensive or defensive.

Those arguments can and should also be applied to others on last year's list, perhaps most noticeably the Philippines, where the administration told Congress it wanted to sell F-16s, Harpoon and Sidewinder missiles valued at more than $2.5 billion to the oppressive Duterte regime. Scrutiny is also rising on countries that have in the past been less controversial, such as Israel and India, for which there were FMS notifications as well as human rights concerns.

It's Not Just Foreign Military Sales (FMS)

FMS itself also does not tell the full arms sales picture, which appears to be increasingly comprised of company-initiated Direct Commercial Sales (DCS) that are much less transparent to the public. The May scandal of JDAMs on offer to Israel during a flare up of conflict in which civilian areas were bombed was via the DCS program. Part of the controversy was that a Congressional leak was needed to raise awareness of the potential deal, in part because DCS notifications are not shared on a convenient website, whereas FMS notifications are.

The State Department arms sales factsheet from January 2021 indicates both the scale and relative lack of information we have on the DCS program. It details that in fiscal year 2020 more than $124 billion in DCS licenses were authorized, but only $38.5 billion of which were notified to Congress. (In the latest factsheet, released last month, the Biden administration provides even less clarity, removing details about how much of the $103.4 billion fiscal year 2021 DCS approvals were notified to Congress.)

There is also a billion dollar request for Israel's Iron Dome program supported by the administration, assistance to Egypt that the Biden administration did not fully withhold, and $20+ billion F-35 and drones sales to the UAE that raise the question of how much restraint this administration will support.

New Policy Anticipated

As soon as this month, we expect the Biden administration to unveil a new conventional arms transfer policy that was previewed in part in November. At that time, Tim Betts, the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, said the policy will "seek to elevate human rights, stress the principles of restraint and responsible use." That is certainly welcome. In all likelihood, however, the new policy will follow earlier ones in that the list of reasons to engage in weapons transfers will not be weighted. Those looking to argue for commercial interests will find language they want, and no indication that human rights have a higher priority. How the administration actually implements the policy will likely be more telling than the words in it.

An initial follow-on step should be for the Biden administration to recommit to the U.S. signature to the Arms Trade Treaty. President Trump’s repudiation of the one global treaty that establishes baselines for responsible trade of broad categories of conventional weapons, and which is already consistent with U.S. law, is a stain on U.S. international credibility and inconsistent with shared goals.

More to Watch

Getting this right is not easy, of course. But if the United States, the world’s largest weapons provider by far, actually wants to show arms transfer restraint, it needs a consistent approach to existing or future conflicts that moves away from adding more weapons to volatile situations. It must find ways to engage the Middle East and elsewhere through commercial ties, cultural and academic connections, and other approaches. And in many cases, especially in pulling back, it will need to increase and enable humanitarian assistance to those places impacted by war. The withdrawal from Afghanistan, while a positive for those supportive of a less militarized approach, has not been followed by a humanitarian response sufficient for the suffering country.

Nor has aid that would help those in Yemen been able to reach them, in part because the United States has not truly used its full power to demand that the blockade on the country be immediately ended. In Yemen, the Houthi are no saints. They have committed horrible abuses. U.S. leverage and complicity, however, is tied much more closely to Saudi Arabia, for which the U.S. continues vital aircraft maintenance support, and to the UAE, which despite claims of exiting the war is still engaged via proxy groups and control of the Socotra island.

Even more than relations with Saudi Arabia, that with the Emiratis may be most telling on potential U.S. arms restraint in the coming months and years. In December, the UAE threatened to walk away from the massive F-35 deal. The administration has consistently said it wants to make the deal work, but has insisted on publicly unspecified end-use and other conditions. In my close reading of the comments by State Department and Defense Department officials last month, it’s unclear that human rights and civilian protection concerns are being raised at all with the Emiratis. That must change.

Finally, Congress may also play a role. A wide array of legislation has been introduced that would impact on arms trade restraint should it be adopted. A short, but incomplete, list includes the progressive Stop Arming Human Rights Abusers Act introduced by Rep. Ilhan Omar; the SAFEGUARD Act, led by the influential chairs of the House Foreign Affairs and Senate Foreign Relations committees; and the bipartisan National Security Reforms and Accountability Act/National Security Powers Act that would “flip the script” and require Congressional approval on many arms sales -- similar to an approach once introduced by then-Senator Joe Biden in the 1986.

Jeff Abramson is a senior fellow at the Arms Control Association and manages the Forum on the Arms Trade

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Los procesos de desarme y el control de armas deben de tener en el centro de sus acciones a las personas

4/27/2021

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Parece que es evidente la consigna del título de este artículo, ya que el desarme humanitario busca reducir el sufrimiento humano. Sin embargo, a lo largo del tiempo, nos hemos dado cuenta de la necesidad de recordarlo, tanto al momento en que se hacen las negociaciones multilaterales o se emprenden nuevas iniciativas locales, es importante poner sobre la mesa que todo lo que se hace es por y para las personas que son constantemente afectadas por la violencia armada en el mundo.

¿Por qué lo digo? Durante el 2020, vimos el fortalecimiento de múltiples iniciativas dirigidas desde el seno de las Naciones Unidas para incorporar las voces de jóvenes de todo el mundo, que nos ayudaran a evidenciar que las dinámicas de la violencia armada son diferentes de acuerdo con los contextos en los que surge, así como en los efectos diferenciados dentro de una misma población. De igual manera, el impulso de la sociedad civil no se hizo esperar, con la creación de redes como la Global IANSA Youth for Gun Control, en el fortalecimiento de la iniciativa Youth Network parte de la Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, o las Voces Emergentes del Forum on the Arms Trade.

La urgencia del llamado de “cese al fuego” mundial por parte del Secretario General durante la pandemia por COVID-19, nunca había sido más urgente, pues la emergencia sanitaria estaba evidenciando lo frágiles de nuestras estructuras sociales y si, constantemente, nos encontramos señalando cómo ponemos en condiciones de vulnerabilidad a las poblaciones migrantes, a los niños, niñas y adolescentes, a las mujeres y las personas de la comunidad LGBTQ+, entre otras, entonces el coronavirus nos mostró cuán profundamente estaban arraigados los daños y que tan cotidianamente decidíamos ignorarles.

Ahora, sólo tenemos que voltear ligeramente la vista para percatarnos de los resultados catastróficos de la violencia armada bajo una pandemia de la que no se preveían los alcances inmediatos, ni las secuelas.

Pero no debemos de sucumbir ante la desesperación. Todas estas circunstancias, nos dan la oportunidad de no seguir repitiendo los mismos discursos en los mismos espacios, sino de abrir canales para escuchar otras visiones y acciones, replantearnos los ejercicios democráticos en donde no sólo es necesario hacer lo que dicen “las voces de las mayorías”, sino que, desde el impulso feminista que también ha permeado nuestro mundo contemporáneo, incluir la palabra de las mal llamadas “minorías” y de aquellas “formas” que tradicionalmente se han ignorado o subestimado.

¿Cómo vamos a entender cuáles son las necesidades de la población objetivo, sino les entendemos como sujetos activos de derechos? Dejemos que los cantos de Brasil de Linda Quebrada y Jup do Bairro nos inunden los sentidos para detectar qué nos falta por atender, que las historias como La Llorona de Guatemala nos cuente de dónde venimos, o que los Scouts nos cuenten por qué los #RobotsAsesinos son parte de una realidad que pronto nos alcanzará en América Latina.

Esta semana del 26 al 29 de abril se llevan a cabo los Grupos de Trabajo del Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas, de cara a la Séptima Conferencia de Estados Partes del Tratado, que se espera suceda del 30 de agosto al 03 de septiembre de este 2021. Desde la sociedad civil y la Academia estaremos dando seguimiento a las discusiones que se pondrán en las mesas de trabajo para la prevención del desvío de armamento convencional, la promoción y adopción de medidas que transparenten las transferencias de estas mercancías entre los Estados, así como la búsqueda de formas de implementar las disposiciones del Tratado de manera aterrizada al interior de cada uno de los países de acuerdo a sus circunstancias particulares. Todo esto en aras de que, en algún momento, los Estados acuerden comprometerse para avanzar en el camino de evitar el sufrimiento humano.

Particularmente, el Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas abre la oportunidad de revisar las exportaciones que se realicen por parte de los países, resaltando la importancia de evitar violaciones al derecho internacional de los derechos humanos[1], así como la violencia por motivos de género[2]. Y es precisamente por los efectos tan convulsos que ha evidenciado la pandemia de COVID-19, que fortalecer y apoyar los pasos de los liderazgos de la sociedad, pero especialmente el de las poblaciones que están siendo afectadas de manera diferenciada, se vuelve pertinente.

Estos ejercicios no se deben de ver de facultad exclusiva de los países, sino que es necesario voltear al interior y recuperar cuáles son las preocupaciones de la gente y entonces sí, ampliar el espectro de protección que nos brinda el contenido de este Tratado en particular. La violencia con armas de fuego es un tema primordial en nuestra región.

Como Cindy Kamtchoum lo señaló durante las sesiones de octubre de 2020 de Primer Comité de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas: “Escuchen nuestras voces, inclúyanos en los procesos de toma de decisiones que, literalmente, determinan si viviremos.”

[1] Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas, Asamblea General de Naciones Unidas, 2 de abril de 2013, art. 7.1.b) ii)
[2] Ibid., art. 7.4.

Montserrat Martínez Téllez is research consultant on gender and armed violence for 24-0 Mexico,

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Early Actions to Watch for a More Responsible U.S. Arms Trade Policy

1/4/2021

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This is the first blog post in a series looking at an array of issues in 2021 related to weapons use, the arms trade and security assistance, at times offering recommendations.

Jeff Abramson

We should know almost immediately if the next U.S. administration will take a more responsible approach to the arms trade. That's because a 30-day Congressional review period on the sale of 7500 precision-guided munitions to Saudi Arabia will end just after the expected January 20 inauguration of the next President. At that point, the new Biden administration would be able to issue licenses for the sale (unless Congress quickly takes blocking actions before then). If Biden keeps to expectations, he will not issue those licenses. That would be consistent with his October 2 pledge:

Under a Biden-Harris administration, we will reassess our relationship with the Kingdom, end U.S. support for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen, and make sure America does not check its values at the door to sell arms or buy oil.

If Biden truly wants to uphold values and make U.S. weapons recipients accountable for their actions, his administration could also take steps to slow and suspend major weapons sales to the United Arab Emirates. Less than a month ago, nearly all the Democrats in the Senate made clear their opposition to much of a $23 billion arms package to Abu Dhabi that the Trump administration is attempting to rush forward in its closing days. The UAE, which remains a key partner in the Saudi-UAE coalition in Yemen and is violating the UN arms embargo on Libya, simply should not be receiving U.S. arms at this time.

At present, there is not a clear indication from the incoming President on what he will do with these time-sensitive sales. Whether any of the necessary letters of offer and acceptance (LOAs) have been signed with the UAE that would put contracts in place is not clear, despite Trump administration efforts to move ahead. If not, Biden can delay concluding them. If some LOAs are signed, he can also hold off on delivery, especially for armed drones, precision-guided and other munitions that could be transferred most quickly. While the Abraham Accords offer great promise for improving regional relations in the Middle East, the reward for the accords should be peace and a lessening of prospects for conflict, not the influx of tens of billions in new weaponry.

How the U.S. approaches arming yet other countries in the Middle East, including Egypt, Israel, Qatar, Bahrain and more, will be closely watched as the Biden team has indicated a desire to rejoin the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (a.k.a. the Iran nuclear deal). Fueling regional arms races could make that more difficult.

Biden has also promised to reverse the Trump administration policy that transferred export oversight for semi-automatic and many other small arms to the Commerce Department, which ended Congressional transparency into such sales. Quick steps to return to the previous policy would also show his administration seeks a more responsible arms trade approach.

As the Obama presidency was nearing its end in late 2016 and early 2017, his administration held back on weapons sale to Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Nigeria that the Trump administration later moved forward. It will be promising if Biden renews concerns about arms sales to many regimes with highly problematic human rights records that Trump has supported, including to the Philippines (amongst a long list of countries).

Even more telling would be actions to again support the Arms Trade Treaty. An easy early first step would be for the Biden administration to retract the letter Trump sent to the United Nations in 2019 that denied legal obligations from the United States' 2013 signature. Further efforts to honor U.S. signature to the ATT, including to seek ratification of the treaty (as embedded in the 2020 Democratic party platform), may take longer but would also show U.S. dedication to again align itself with nearly all its allies in promoting global norms on responsible arms trade.

Jeff Abramson is a senior fellow at the Arms Control Association and manages the Forum on the Arms Trade

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The gender and weapons nexus recognized; feminism need apply in 2019 and beyond

12/19/2018

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This is the third blog post in a series looking at an array of issues in 2019 related to weapons use, the arms trade and security assistance, at times offering recommendations.

Ray Acheson

2018, for some reason, was a turning point for international diplomatic recognition of gender dimensions of weapons and disarmament policy. After years or even decades—or in WILPF’s case, a century—of feminist advocacy for governments and activists to take gender into account in their work, we seem to breaking new ground.

In March, the Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations in Geneva collaborated with WILPF, Small Arms Survey, and the Gender Mine Action Programme on a one-day training for disarmament diplomats about including gender perspectives in their work. In April, WILPF coordinated with the Canadian mission in New York on a meeting that brought together the women, peace and security (WPS) and disarmament diplomatic communities to exchange on the same subject.

In May, UN Secretary-General António Guterres launched his new disarmament agenda, Securing our Common Future. It includes a section on “Ensuring the equal, full, and effective participation of women,” and there are several references throughout the document to the gendered impacts of weapons, gender-sensitive arms control, or women’s participation in disarmament, including urging states to incorporate gender perspectives in their national legislation and policies on disarmament and arms control.

In June, the Third Review Conference to the UN Programme of Action on small arms and light weapons (UNPoA) adopted a report with groundbreaking references to armed gender-based violence, the gendered impacts of small arms, and women’s participation in disarmament. The document builds on gains made in 2012 and 2016 to alleviate the overall gender blindness of the UNPoA. The International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) Women’s Network coordinated input and advocacy amongst civil society groups and diplomats for the inclusion of these elements in the outcome document, including through the civil society Call to Action on gender and small arms control.

In August, the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) considered gender issues for the first time, in a side event hosted by the government of Canada, International Committee for Robot Arms Control (ICRAC), Mines Action Canada, Project Ploughshares, and WILPF on the relationship between gender and fully autonomous weapons. Participants addressed gender diversity and equality in disarmament negotiations and discussions; gender norms in relation to the development and use of weapons, gendered impacts of existing weapon systems; and the importance of feminist foreign policy approaches in relation to disarmament and arms control.

In October, the Canadian mission to the UN organized a push to increase gender references in resolutions at the UN General Assembly First Committee on Disarmament and International Security. Working with other governments and civil society groups, they managed to achieve language in 17 resolutions that advocates for women’s equal participation, recognizes gendered impacts of weapons, or urges consideration of gender perspectives more broadly. This accounts for 25 percent of all First Committee resolutions in 2018. Six of these resolutions included gendered language for the first time, while three improved the gendered language. For comparison, in 2017, 15 per cent of resolutions made gender references. This figure was 13 per cent in 2016 and 12 per cent in 2015. The number of First Committee delegations speaking about gender and disarmament in their statements also continued to increase this year. Namibia on behalf of 56 states dedicated a whole statement to this topic, urging examination of how “underlying assumptions about how gender shapes [delegations’] own work and the dynamics of joint disarmament efforts.”

Also in October, the Latvian ambassador, who will preside over the Fifth Conference of States Parties to the Arms Trade Treaty, announced that the conference and its preparatory meetings will focus on the gender-based violence provision of the Treaty as a special theme. This will provide an opportunity in 2019 to advance consideration of how to implement this aspect of the ATT, including using guidance and case studies published by groups like WILPF previously.

In addition to these forum-based efforts, the UN Institute for Disarmament Research joined the governments of Ireland, Namibia, and Canada to form the Disarmament Impact Group as an output of the International Gender Champions. The Group aims to “support the disarmament community in translating gender awareness into practical action across the range of multilateral disarmament processes and activities.” Meanwhile, academic sources like Critical Studies on Security and the Oxford Handbook on Women, Peace and Security, news sources like The Nation, and public speaking forums from TEDx to the London School of Economics featured articles and talks about feminism, gender, and weapons. This has signaled an opening of academic and activist spaces for increased consideration of these issues.

So, why has all this happened so quickly? In reality, it hasn’t. It is built on a firm foundation of activism and analysis. Feminist disarmament activists and academics, particularly those with groups like WILPF and the IANSA Women’s Network, have been writing and campaigning on gender and disarmament for decades. UN agencies and some governments have been working to mainstream gender in their programming for a long time, certainly since the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000. This has led to concrete outcomes at international disarmament diplomacy forums in recent years: the first UN General Assembly resolution on women, disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control in 2010; the inclusion of gender-based violence in the Arms Trade Treaty in 2013; the recognition of the gendered impacts of nuclear weapons and encouragement of women’s effective participation in disarmament in the Non-Proliferation Treaty Chair’s summary and the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2017.

External factors are also at play. The #MeToo movement has arguably awoken new acceptability and credibility of previously hidden or shamed perspectives and experiences. Women, trans, queer, non-binary, and non-conforming folks, as well as men who have experienced sexual and gender-based violence have collectively created new spaces to amplify these realities and demand change.

At the same time, several governments have begun pursuing what they term “Feminist Foreign Policy”. While it is debatable whether or not the foreign policies outlined by these governments can yet be truly described as feminist, it is a welcome development for government offices to be considering feminism not just a valid but an imperative approach to their international engagement.

In disarmament forums, momentum certainly seems to be on our side. There is a growing acceptance among a diverse range of governments, international organizations, and civil society groups about the reality that weapons have gendered impacts, and that women’s participation in disarmament is important. This is good progress, and imperative to making change in this field. But it’s not enough.

The work ahead

For one thing, the demand for women’s equal, effective, or meaningful participation—while necessary and welcome—is insufficient for truly making change in weapons policy. Our current situation is dire. Trillions of dollars are being spent on militaries and technologies of violence while poverty, inequality, and climate change threaten our collective security and safety. Disarmament, as a policy and practice that leads us away from militarism and towards peace, requires new understandings, perspectives, and approaches to weapons and war. It requires the effective and meaningful participation of survivors of gun violence, of nuclear weapons use and testing, of drone strikes, of bombardment of towns and cities. It requires the effective and meaningful participation of marginalized communities—LGBT+ folks, people of color, those at a socioeconomic disadvantage, people with disabilities.

Diversity is not about political correctness. It is the only way we are ever going to see change in the way that we confront issues of peace and security. Where we have achieved the most disarmament progress in recent years—banning landmines and cluster bombs and nuclear weapons, for example—we have engaged with diverse communities and put humanitarian perspectives over the profits of arms industries or the interests of powerful governments. This is not just about including women, especially women who come from the same or similar backgrounds as the men who already rule the table. It’s about completely resetting the table; or even throwing out the table and setting up an entirely new way of working.

Disarmament requires that we change the way we think about and confront war and violence as social and economic institutions, and we can’t do that just by giving some privileges to those who do not challenge the thinking or the behavior of those who have the most privilege. Diversity is not for its own sake, but for how it impacts what is considered normal, acceptable, and credible. Confronting norms, especially gendered norms, around weapons and war is imperative to making progress on disarmament.

As a feminist disarmament activist, I have come to believe that more than anything else, the association of weapons with power is one of the foremost obstacles to disarmament. This association comes from a particular—and unfortunately, very dominant—understanding of masculinity. This is a masculinity in which ideas like strength, courage, and protection are equated with violence. It is a masculinity in which the capacity and willingness to use weapons, engage in combat, and kill other human beings is seen as essential to being “a real man”.

This type of violent, militarized masculinity harms everyone. It harms everyone who does not comply with that gender norm—women, queer-identified people, non-normative men. It requires oppression of those deemed “weaker” on the basis of gender norms. It results in domestic violence. It results in violence against women. It results in violence against gay and trans people. It also results in violence against men. Men mostly kill each other, inside and outside of conflict. A big part of this is about preserving or protecting their masculinity—a masculinity that makes male bodies more expendable. Women and children, obnoxiously lumped together in countless resolutions and reports, are more likely be deemed “innocent civilians,” while men are more likely be to be considered militants or combatants. In conflict, civilian men are often targeted—or counted in casualty recordings—as militants only because they are men of a certain age.

We are all suffering from the equation of violence and power with masculinity. It prevents those who identified as men from being something else—from performing gender differently. It prevents all of us as human beings to promote or explore strength, courage, and protection from a nonviolent perspective. It makes disarmament seem weak. It makes peace seem utopian. It makes protection without weapons seem absurd.

It also makes it impossible to achieve gender justice. It keeps men and women in binary boxes based on their biological sex. It maintains a strict hierarchy between these boxes, in which men are tough, rational, and violent, while women are weak, irrational, and passive. In this narrative, men are agents; women are victims. (And reinforces the idea that there is nothing outside of this binary.)

The norm of violent masculinity will continue to cause suffering and reinforce inequalities until we get serious about doing something differently. This is a project of dismantling the patriarchy, which is a big project, but it starts with the language we use, the people we include in discussions, and the norms we are willing to challenge.

For 2019, let’s stop using the term “women and children”. They are not the same legally or politically. They have different needs and abilities. Let’s talk about the different impacts of weapons based on gender and age, instead of womenandchildren on one side and men on the other. Let’s talk about gender diversity in disarmament, instead of just the equal participation of women and men. Let’s get away from binary language to something more inclusive. Let’s also include survivors and those impacted by weapons, war, and violence. Let’s think about what we consider credible or powerful, and why we think that way.

As more and more governments and organizations become interested in taking up gender, and as feminists around the world from all walks of life smash down barriers outside the disarmament field, let’s not waste the opportunities ahead of us. An intersectional feminist approach to disarmament is imperative, and we have all the tools we need to achieve it.

Ray Acheson is the Director of Reaching Critical Will, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)

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Using the Arms Trade Treaty to Address Pastoralist Conflict and Wildlife Crime in Kenya’s Marginalized Regions

5/17/2018

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This is one of six essays in the May 2018 report "Addressing Non-State Actors: Multiple Approaches" (see full report). Each essay is the independent work of its authors.

Matthew Bolton

Introduction

In early 2017, some 10,000 pastoralists armed with automatic rifles raided farms, wildlife reserves and conservancies in Laikipia, Kenya, attacking wildlife, people and raiding livestock. The region was and is currently affected by severe drought, and tensions flared as political figures exploited ethnic divisions in campaigning for the 2017 elections.[i] Numerous researchers have found that militarized state interventions to address the kind of cattle rustling observed in Laikipia often exacerbate the situation, introducing new weapons (that enter the illicit market sector through theft or sale) and extrajudicial violence. Heavy-handed suppression is also expensive, diverting important resources away from sustainable development.[ii] Militarized state responses to the collapsing populations of elephants and rhinos—such as shoot-to-kill policies—have often failed to meet human rights standards and have even been implicated in poaching.[iii] Indeed, such responses may undermine important efforts to engage and build local capacities for sustainability, peace, and alternative livelihoods.[iv]

There are, however, alternatives to militarized responses to pastoralist conflict and wildlife crime, rooted in human rights, the rule of law and international cooperation and assistance. Excess availability of arms can fuel militarization, as parties to conflict escalate responses to the increasing danger posed by each other and deadly weapons become more widespread in ownership and uses. Over the last decade states and civil society have constructed transformative legal and normative frameworks to address the human suffering caused by an unregulated arms trade and unchecked proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW). These include the United Nations Programme of Action on SALW (PoA) and regional SALW instruments (including, in Africa, the Nairobi Protocol, Kinshasa Convention, ECOWAS Convention and SADC Protocol). Similarly, the previous African elephant poaching crisis in the 1980s—which was fueled by the influx of guns in Africa’s Cold War proxy conflicts—was stopped not so much by militarized interventions but rather through international legal and normative change. For example, the ivory trade ban was instituted through the framework of an international treaty – the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). It was supported by a global awareness-raising campaign—by both States and NGOs—that in many societies transformed ivory from a symbol of luxury to one of disgust.[v]

Most recently, in 2013, the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) established, for the first time, global regulations on the transfer of conventional weapons that can prevent arms getting into the hands of human rights abusers, terrorists, war criminals and organized criminal groups. Championed by African states, global civil society and faith leaders who called attention to the devastation of armed conflict on the continent, the treaty creates new opportunities to limit SALW proliferation in regions affected by pastoralist conflict, wildlife crime and armed cattle raiding. If it is universalized and rigorously implemented, States can use the ATT as a normative framework for assessing and mitigating the risks that arms transfers will exacerbate armed violence in pastoralist communities, including cattle raiding and wildlife crime, as well as counterproductive, militarized approaches to controlling pastoralist regions. ATT implementation could include supporting programs that limit the risks of diversion and misuse of SALW and associated ammunition, as well as international, regional and national cooperation and assistance for human security and sustainable development. While the majority of African states have signed the ATT, movement toward ratification has been slow outside West Africa. In particular, the level of accession in the East and Horn of Africa region—an area struggling with the human impact of pastoralist conflict—has been low.[vi] Kenya was particularly crucial in this diplomatic victory, as one of the eight “co-authors” (seen as custodians of the process) of the 2006 General Assembly Resolution that launched the treaty process. However, Kenya has not yet joined the ATT.[vii]

This article draws on and summarizes the findings of two more detailed reports written for the ATT Academy,[viii] a 2016-2017 project that trained government and civil society personnel from East and the Horn of Africa on the treaty, implemented by Pace University and Control Arms with funding from the United Nations Trust Facility for Supporting Cooperation on Arms Cooperation (UNSCAR).[ix]

Armed Violence in Kenya’s Marginalized Regions

The East and Horn of Africa region is home to one of the largest concentrations of pastoralist communities—some 20 million people whose cultures and livelihoods have traditionally revolved around herding cattle, camels, sheep and/or goats.[x] Nomadic and semi-nomadic life-ways are well-suited and adapted to the arid and semi-arid Great Rift Valley and surrounding savannahs. Seeking pasture and water through regular movement over wide areas, herders can avoid overgrazing and limit their impact on fragile ecosystems.[xi] However, pastoralists in the East and Horn of Africa have been marginalized politically, economically, and socially. Colonial governments seized some of the best grazing land traditionally used by pastoralists, enclosing it for white settlement, government use, or for wildlife reserves. Pastoralist communities were often displaced into, or confined to, marginal areas. They were also subjected to neglect through systems of indirect rule, which armed and abetted proxies doing the state’s bidding. Government interventions tended to be punitive and coercive, rather than offering investment in security and development. Such policies often continued into the postcolonial period.[xii] Scarcity of water and pasture has been exacerbated by climate change and environmental degradation.[xiii]

In December 2016, at a Control Arms NGO meeting in Nairobi, Kenya, participants stressed the importance of not reading pastoralist conflict through the lens of “culture” (i.e. pathologizing nomadic and semi-nomadic people as somehow inherently problematic). Pastoralist conflict is often misrepresented as a localized, outmoded and “primitive” practice of “cattle rustling.” Similarly, a 2016 Kenya Wildlife Service presentation to the ATT Academy noted that the participation of pastoralists in wildlife crime may be explained by their proximity to wildlife reserves and conservancies, which were often actually alienated from pastoralist communities. However, pastoralist conflict and wildlife crime is often a manifestation of broader conflicts in the region’s “peripheries” and overlaps with tensions over power, wildlife conservation, land and water.[xiv] Cattle rustling and wildlife crime are also embedded in sophisticated organized criminal complexes and neo-patrimonial patronage systems. Arms trafficking connects patronage and stolen cattle or wildlife products through networks that extend throughout the region and even the world.[xv] The proliferation of SALW and ammunition, commercialization of cattle trafficking, the globalization of wildlife trafficking networks, private enclosure of pasture, and political polarization have increased the stakes of conflict in pastoralist communities.

Using the ATT as a Framework for Addressing Armed Violence in Kenya

While support for the ATT remains strong in Kenya’s diplomatic community, civil society and faith institutions, accession has been delayed by powerful countervailing forces. These include an executive branch skittish about global treaties following confrontations with the International Criminal Court and a security establishment that resents external scrutiny. However, the ATT offers opportunities to address the negative impact of the arms trade on pastoralist conflict and wildlife crime and also mitigate problems with militarized efforts to control them.

The weapons used in pastoralist conflict in the East and Horn of Africa region are often circulating from one country to another. Assault rifles from Ugandan government stockpiles in Moroto, looted by Karamajong militias in 1979, spread to Kenya.[xvi] Guns from the conflicts in Ethiopia, South Sudan, and Somalia have converged and circulated throughout the region.[xvii] While militarizing borders may seem like an obvious solution to trafficking in the region, it can often contribute to arms proliferation, since security forces may “leak” weapons to local groups and fuel the demand for illicit meat. Nevertheless, more careful controls on the movements of arms into and through the East and Horn of Africa region could contribute to stemming diversion to unauthorized users and uses. Given that much of the supply of weapons involved in pastoralist conflict in East and the Horn of Africa has come from state sources, much more needs to be done to limit diversion of guns and ammunition to unauthorized users and uses.

The ATT requires states parties to assess and mitigate risks that a transfer of conventional arms, ammunition, or parts and components will be used to “commit or facilitate” transnational organized crime, terrorism, serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, “serious acts of gender-based violence or serious acts of violence against women and children” or “undermine peace and security” (Article 7). If such risks exist, exporting states parties are obligated to collaborate with importing states in risk mitigation measures (Article 7.2). If an “overriding risk” remains, then the exporter “shall not” authorize the transfer. States parties are also required to “take measures to prevent” diversion of arms to unauthorized users or uses (Article 11). The ATT also contains more stringent prohibitions of any transfers of arms if a state party “has knowledge” that they “would be used in the commission” of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes (Article 6.3).

Transparent reporting on transfers, aided by the ATT, could thus be very useful in addressing armed violence in pastoralist communities, by aiding research on movements of weapons most at risk of exacerbating the situation. One potential avenue of ATT-mandated cooperation and assistance would be a more careful identification and analysis of arms trafficking in the region, tracking how guns move and potential sources of “leakage” from state stockpiles. Sharing this information could enable states—both in the region and beyond—to target policy and programs to disrupt trafficking routes and prevent diversion of weapons to militias, gangs and organized crime networks. For example, states could improve data gathering and sharing within the CITES-mandated Monitoring the Illegal Killing of Elephants (MIKE) program. MIKE enables states to record and report the types of weapons and ammunition used in poaching in an international database, but it is currently underutilized. Other potential sources of information include police and military data on illegal firearms, as well as regional institutions engaged in cooperation on countering SALW proliferation (such as the Regional Centre on Small Arms [RECSA] in East Africa), as well as conservation (such as the Lusaka Agreement Task Force).[xviii] ATT anti-diversion measures should not only be directed at halting the illicit flow of weapons to cattle raiders and militias, but could also ensure that state security forces do not use the weapons they receive in ways that create insecurity, violate human rights or contribute to gender-based violence. The ATT can serve as a catalyst for improving export, import, brokering, transit and trans-shipment controls in smart ways. The information sharing, cooperation and assistance provisions contained within the ATT enable states to work together and engage in conversations about best practices.

Insecurity and poverty are key drivers of both pastoralist conflict and SALW proliferation. A lack of livelihood opportunities in the legitimate economy often provides incentives to engage in cattle raiding. Reducing both the supply of and demand for weapons used in pastoralist conflict thus requires peacebuilding as well as sustainable development efforts. For example, around Lake Nakuru National Park in Kenya, community groups have partnered with Kenya Wildlife Service to increase access to water, promoting sustainable rural livelihoods that reduce pressure on the park. The ATT encourages states parties to engage in “international cooperation,” information -sharing, and provision of “international assistance” (including through a newly established “voluntary trust fund”) (Articles 15 and 16). ATT states parties are also required to meet in annual Conferences of States Parties to review implementation. ATT-mandated measures could be used to build peace and development in regions where there is a nexus of pastoralist conflict, wildlife crime, and SALW proliferation. Membership in the ATT may also help with applications for development assistance, or peacebuilding and sustainable development programs that aim to address the root causes—marginalization, deprivation, persistent instability—of SALW proliferation.

Rather than seeing the ATT as a threat to Kenya’s national security—as it is sometimes misunderstood by elements of Kenya’s security establishment—the treaty offers avenues for building human security in communities suffering from armed violence. The ATT offers an approach to addressing armed violence and wildlife crime in pastoralist communities through rule of law, human rights, and international cooperation. As the Honorable David Musila, then Kenya’s Assistant Minister for Defense, stated during the 2012 ATT negotiation conference:

Kenya continues to suffer negative effects of unregulated trade of … SALW which is causing devastating impact on social, political and economic wellbeing of its people. … We realize that an ATT will not solve all the problems of the world. However, a robust legally-binding treaty on international arms transfers that will leave an effect in reducing the flow of arms from the legal to the illicit trade will certainly be a very important step in reducing human suffering.[xix]

Matthew Bolton is Associate Professor of Political Science at Pace University in New York City and directs the university’s International Disarmament Institute.

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[i] Adam Cruise and Bibi van der Zee, “Armed herders invade Kenya's most important wildlife conservancy,” The Guardian, February 2, 2017 https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2017/feb/02/armed-herders-elephant-kenya-wildlife-laikipia; Jennifer Bond and Kennedy Mkutu, “Behind the conflict in central Kenya that's costing lives and hitting tourism,” CNBCAfrica, February 8, 2017, http://www.cnbcafrica.com/news/east-africa/2017/02/08/behind-the-conflict-in-central-kenya/.

[ii] Kennedy Agade Mkutu, Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms, Indiana University Press, 2008; James Bevan, “Crisis in Karamoja: Armed Violence and the Failure of Disarmament in Uganda’s most deprived region.” Small Arms Survey Occasional Paper 21, 2008, http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP21-Karamoja.pdf.

[iii] Matthew Bolton, “How to Use the Arms Trade Treaty to Address Wildlife Crime,” Control Arms, September 2016, https://controlarms.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Wildlife-Crime-Paper-REVISED-Email.pdf; Matthew Bolton, “Using the Arms Trade Treaty to Address Wildlife Poaching in East Africa: A Human Security Approach,” Control Arms, 2015, https://controlarms.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/BoltonPoaching-1.pdf; “The Nexus between Poaching and Proliferation of Illicit Small Arms and Light Weapons Regional Report: Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania,” RECSA, 2016.

[iv] Khristopher Carlson, Joanna Wright. and Hannah Donges, “In the Line of Fire: Elephant and Rhino Poaching in Africa,” Small Arms Survey 2015, Small Arms Survey, pp. 27-28; Dilys Roe, et al., “The Elephant in the Room: Sustainable Use in the Illegal Wildlife Trade Debate,” International Institute for Environment and Development, 2014; “Sustainable Natural Resource Management in Namibia: Successful Community-based Wildlife Conservation,” Overseas Development Institute, 2011; Peter Gettleman, “Notorious Poacher Now Leads a Fight to Save Africa’s Elephant,” Sydney Morning Herald, December 31, 2012, http://www.smh.com.au/world/notorious-poacher-now-leads-a-fight-to-save-africas-elephants-20121230-2c1ix.html; Community-based Natural Resource Management Lessons from the Field: IRNDC’s Experience in Namibia, IRDNC (Integrated Rural Development and Nature Conservation), 2011, http://www.irdnc.org.na/pdf/IRDNC-Lessons-from-the-Field.pdf; Chris Ocowun, “Nebbi Chiefs Disarm Poachers.” New Vision, August 22, 2010, http://allafrica.com/stories/201008230873.html; John Kasaona, “How poachers become caretakers,” TED, June 2010, https://www.ted.com/talks/john_kasaona_from_poachers_to_caretakers/transcript?language=en; “Planned grazing to reduce conflict,” Northern Rangelands Trust, April 18, 2009.

[v] Ronald Orenstein, Ivory, Horn and Blood: Behind the Elephant and Rhinoceros Poaching Crisis, Firefly Books, 2013 pp. 53-66.

[vi] Matthew Bolton, “The Arms Trade Treaty: A Pan-African Global Policy Victory,” ThinkAfricaPress, April 8, 2013 http://www.academia.edu/3241508/The_Arms_Trade_Treaty_A_Pan-African_Global_Policy_Victory.

[vii] For further details on ATT universalization and implementation in Africa, see “Achieving ATT Universalisation in Africa,” Control Arms, August 2016, https://controlarms.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Achieving-Arms-Free-Africa-FinalVersion-October-2016.pdf. See also the ATT secretariat website http://thearmstradetreaty.org/index.php/en/.

[viii] Matthew Bolton, “How to Use the Arms Trade Treaty to Address Wildlife Crime,” Control Arms, September 2016, https://controlarms.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Wildlife-Crime-Paper-REVISED-Email.pdf; Matthew Bolton, “How to Use the Arms Trade Treaty to Address Pastoralist Conflict,” Control Arms, March 2017, https://controlarms.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Pastoralist-Conflict-Final.pdf.

[ix] Matthew Bolton “The Role of Education in Advancing Arms Trade Treaty Universalization and Implementation: Lessons Learned from ATT Academy East Africa 2016-2017,” Control Arms, May 2017, https://disarmament.blogs.pace.edu/files/2017/06/ATT-Academy-Lessons-learned-final-2bwkr5w.pdf.

[x] Kennedy Mkutu, “Pastoralism and conflict in the Horn of Africa,” SaferWorld, 2001 https://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/publications/75-pastoralism-and-conflict-in-the-horn-of-africa.

[xi] Robin S. Reid, Savannahs of our Birth: People, Wildlife and Change in East Africa, University of California Press, 2012.

[xii] T.O. Ranger, “The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa,” The Invention of Tradition, E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (Eds), Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 211-262; Mahmoud Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism, Princeton University Press, 1996.

[xiii] Essayas K. Ayana, et al., “Examining the relationship between environmental factors and conflict in pastoralist areas of East Africa,” Political Geography, volumes 557-558, July 2016, pp. 601-611.

[xiv] Khristopher Carlson, Joanna Wright, and Hannah Donges, “In the Line of Fire: Elephant and Rhino Poaching in Africa.” Small Arms Survey 2015, Small Arms Survey, p. 20.

[xv] Kennedy Agade Mkutu, Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms, Indiana University Press, 2008; Andy Catley, Jeremy Lind, Ian Scoones, Pastoralism and Development in Africa: Dynamic Change at the Margins, Routledge/Earthscan, 2013.

[xvi] Manasseh Wepundi, et al., “Lessons from the Frontiers: Civilian disarmament in Kenya and Uganda.” SaferWorld, 2011, https://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/publications/564-lessons-from-the-frontiers.

[xvii] “Regional Report on the Nexus between Illicit SALW Proliferation and Cattle Rustling: Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda,” RECSA, 2016

[xviii] For further similar recommendations, see Nikhil Acharya and Arthur Muhlen-Schulte, “The Final Round: Combating Armed Actors, Organized Crime and Wildlife Trafficking,” BICC Policy Brief, March 2016, https://www.bicc.de/publications/publicationpage/publication/the-final-round-combating-armed-actors-organized-crime-and-wildlife-trafficking-648/.

[xix] David Musila, “Statement by David Musila, MP, Assistant Minister for Defence of the Republic of Kenya during the United Nations Conference on Arms Trade Treaty (ATT),” July 5, 2012, http://reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/att/negotiating-conference/statements/5July_Kenya.pdf.

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Finding Leadership Outside the White House

12/21/2017

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This is the eighth blog post in a series looking at an array of issues in 2018 related to weapons use, the arms trade and security assistance, at times offering recommendations.

Jeff Abramson

Less than one year into the Trump administration, it is clear that the United States is unlikely to provide positive leadership in promoting responsible arms trade and weapons use. While the Obama administration certainly did not shy away from arms deals, it did sign the Arms Trade Treaty and withhold some arms transfers due to human rights concerns. What restraint Obama showed, Trump has jettisoned, evidenced in arms sales notifications of precision-guided munitions (PGMs) to Saudi Arabia in May, F-16s to Bahrain in September, and Super Tucanos to Nigeria in August – all deals that Obama had put on hold.

Further under Trump, drone use/air strikes have dramatically increased in number and/or in numbers of civilians harmed. The Defense Department has backed away from a policy that would have barred the use of certain cluster munitions, in particular older ones with an awful record for humanitarian harm. The administration also appears set to make it easier to sell small arms by transferring their control to the Commerce Department, completing the last steps of a controversial export reform initiative. In December, the United States abstained on the annual UN General Assembly resolution supporting the ATT, saying during First Committee that it was reviewing its policy. These and other indicators suggest that US arms use and trade, as well as any eventual new US conventional arms transfer policy, will simply remove the concept of restraint and further undermine commitment to and promotion of human rights.

This is an admittedly bleak initial picture, but there are many places the world can and should look for leadership outside of a US administration espousing an “America First” world view. Perhaps surprisingly, the first place to look is the US Congress. The close 47-53 Senate vote in June in opposition to the PGM sale to Saudi Arabia is an indicator that the Senate could take a more proactive role, especially if the rumored additional $7 billion in PGM sales come before it. Republican Senator Rand Paul and Democratic Senator Chris Murphy partnered on that work and together or separately merit watching in 2018. So too does Republican Senator Todd Young, especially in relation to the humanitarian situation in Yemen. Democratic Senators Dianne Feinstein and Patrick Leahy reacted quickly to the cluster munition policy reversal, and along with Senate Foreign Relations Committee ranking member Ben Cardin have identified the need for Congressional involvement in any changes that would send small arms to Commerce control. A number of members of the House of Representatives have also taken up US weapons sales and use. A short list includes Democrats Ro Khanna, Mark Pocan and Republican Walter Jones, who co-wrote a New York Times oped critical of US support to Saudi Arabia, as well as Republican Justin Amash, and Democrat Ted Lieu, who has long expressed concerned about potential US complicity in war crimes.

Arming Saudi Arabia, or rather a commitment not to do so is also an appropriate litmus test on international leadership as the Saudi-led coalition continues to use weapons to the detriment of civilians in Yemen. In 2017, the European Parliament again called for an arms embargo on Saudi Arabia -- a call not heeded by suppliers such as France and the United Kingdom, but one other European countries can and do support. Related, Sweden’s pending “democracy criterion” in arms sales is worth watching for an impact nationally and regionally. So too is Japan’s leadership of the Arms Trade Treaty for the 2018 Conference of States Parties, where thus far countries have frustratingly refused to directly address the inconsistency of arming the Saudis.

The recent conclusion of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, and awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the international civil society coalition that fought hard for the treaty (ICAN), draws global attention to the truth that leadership need not come from the normal “big players.” Those countries, led by the permanent five members of the Security Council (P5), tend to put traditional state-centered security over the needs of individuals (aka human security). But human security is at the heart of the nuclear ban treaty and a host of other successful treaties and initiatives broadly classified as “humanitarian disarmament.” On key treaties in this realm, Nicaragua is taking on the presidency of the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Afghanistan will have leadership of the Mine Ban Treaty. They have the potential to bring a different type of leadership to arms-related issues in 2018. So too do some of the countries that were at the heart of the nuclear ban treaty, such as Mexico and New Zealand, who were also progressive voices during the Arms Trade Treaty negotiation.

The Nobel Peace Prize also reminds us that civil society campaigns play a critical role. In 2018, the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots will continue calling for all countries to ban the development of fully autonomous weapons (“killer robots”). The countries participating in the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) working group may choose that path, which a growing number (22) are supporting. Leading roboticists and artificial intelligence experts are banding together with that message and writing letters to governments, spurring national parliamentary debates. In another campaign, the International Network on Explosive Weapons is helping to build momentum to address and end the practice of using explosive weapons with wide area effects in populated areas. These weapons are particularly devastating to civilians and civilian infrastructure, causing both immediate harm at the time of use and ongoing suffering from the disruption of economic and social activity.

Members of industry and the financial sector will also have the opportunity to display leadership. Late in 2016, German arms manufacturer Heckler and Koch announced that it would no longer sell weapons to undemocratic and corrupt countries. More recently in Japan, four banks and insurance companies recently announced that they would ban investments in cluster munition producers, joining a growing group that have made similar commitments in other countries.

While the future is always difficult to predict, in 2018 it would be wise to look outside the White House for leadership on proper restraint in the use and sale of weapons – without which, we can unfortunately foresee new suffering by civilians and the undermining of their human rights.

Jeff Abramson is a non-resident senior fellow at the Arms Control Association.

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A medida que aumentan los conflictos, los Estados partes del ATT deben comprometerse a una mayor transparencia

As Conflicts Rise, ATT States Should Commit to Greater Transparency

Predicting Even Less U.S. Arms Trade Restraint in 2025

Event Resources and Recommendations: The ATT and the Arms Trade: Trends in Financial and Corporate Responsibility (September 7, 2022)

U.S. Arms Sales Restraint in 2022?

Los procesos de desarme y el control de armas deben de tener en el centro de sus acciones a las personas

Early Actions to Watch for a More Responsible U.S. Arms Trade Policy

The gender and weapons nexus recognized; feminism need apply in 2019 and beyond

Using the Arms Trade Treaty to Address Pastoralist Conflict and Wildlife Crime in Kenya’s Marginalized Regions

Finding Leadership Outside the White House

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